Adani, the land-dacoit, and the resolute Santals

Subha Protim Roy Chowdhury

The land that inspires the cultures and agricultures of the indigenous tribal communities, if snatched out from them, only two options are left: either struggle or death. In order to survive from their probable death, here the Santals have chosen the way to struggle. It is Godda district of Santal Pargana. As an industrialist group preferred by the Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the Adani group is constructing a thermal power plant in this district which is comprised of ten moujas (revenue village unit) of Poreyahat and Godda Sadar block. More than one thousand acres lands, either of the indigenous tribes or not, are required for this Adani Power (Jharkhand) Limited. That is why; a ruthless land seizing operation is going on. 

Where do these Santals evicted from their land and from their occupation go? By surrounding their agricultural lands, ponds, their grazing ground, sacred places the Adani is building guard-walls. Festivals like Badna, Baha, Dashai actually represents the integral relationship between nature and tribal life. ‘Yes, not only the land they have pulled our roots; they are trying to uproot our identity, our existence.’ This year we halt our festivities.  And water? ‘Yes, water too! They will loot the ground water.’ ‘Greenly Godda became desert’. ‘They are monsters!’ 

But why there is such rampage in these calm and peaceful villages? Why Adani is here? Let’s focus on some newspaper clippings. For example – 
From news published in the Dhaka Tribune on November 26, 2019 it is found that the Prime Minister of Bangladesh Sheikh Hasina declared that Bangladesh has already imported 660Megawatt electricity from India. And they are will to import 3000Megawatt more electricity from India. 

Before it, Web-magazine Scroll.in disclosed in its 25.3.2019 issue
Twelve days before elections dates were announced; the Modi government on February 25 cleared the way for an Adani project in Jharkhand to become the first standalone power project in India to get the status and benefits of a Special Economic Zone. For this, the commerce ministry amended power-related guidelines for Special Economic Zones earlier this year.
Geared towards exports, Special Economic Zones get a host of duty-waivers, tax exemptions and faster clearances. The government decision to grant SEZ status to the Adani project will save the company billions of rupees in taxes – Rs 3.2 billion annually in clean energy cess alone.

A news article published in News Click on September 7, 2019 says –
Now it is the full-fledged work. Because of the support from both the central and the state government all obstacles are being flown away. Land acquisition by constructing big walls has been finished. Chinese company has entered with heavy equipment. The process of creating a Special Economic Zone or SEZ was started by seizing the lands of the adivasis. It is claimed that this Adani project will be public-oriented. But it is not fully true, because, in the memorandum of understanding, that was signed between the Adani power, Government of India and Bangladesh government in 2016, it was clearly stated that this power plant would be established to export power to Bangladesh. Jharkhand will get only 25% of the total produced power. 

Needless to say, as it is a SEZ project the state government cannot interfere in its functioning. Furthermore, it will get rid of labour laws and environmental laws. 

Previously, a table survey was allegedly done by Adani Powers - by ‘falsely convinced some locals and prepared a fabricated report’. Explaining the reasons behind this allegation, Chinta Mani Sahu - who has lost his land and going to challenge the acquisition process in the Jharkhand High Court - said, "The survey was done by AFC - a nodal agency of Adani Powers. Adani, showed in its report that Adibasi (who mainly belong to the Santhal tribes in this region) were living in the villages where not a single tribal life, while non-Adivasis were shown as living in areas which are entirely inhabited by tribal. On the basis of this false report, public hearing was held on December, 2016.’’

From the local tabloid, Patrika published in Hindi, we came to know that the public hearing of ten villages finished within only ten minutes. Even in the last evening before the day of hearing, the District Collector and the Police Superintend said the people that, those who have identity card, voter card, ration card, document of land, can take part in the hearing. But on the 7th December morning only those people who had yellow card and green card got the entrance. When people started agitation, the police started to charge their sticks. A group of 500 police vandalised the nearer houses. The uniformed police personnel threatened, ‘You have to pay if you express your allegation.’ But despite such threat the villagers did not get frightened and filed a case in the High Court. 

The villagers started an indefinite hunger strike at the Gaighat village under Poreyahat block. Pradip Yadav, MLA of Payerhat constituency from the Jharkhand Vikash Morcha came and sat down in the strike. Many people joined in it to show protest against the false report and falsely exhibiting public-hearing. Gradually this hunger strike platform turned into a mass movement. The police arrested Pradip Yadav and charged the allegation that he maddened the mass against the hearing by expressing that it would cause environmental catastrophe. Four criminal cases were filed against him. The Deputy Commissioner, Bhubanesh Prasad Singh said, ‘We knew that in the stage of hunger-strike he is covered by children and women. Therefore, we strategically took him from that place.’ 

Since then trapping people with false cases, massive arrest has been going on. Some villagers are caught by the trap of temptation. The Adani and the administration were able to dismantle the movement in some extent. Now the brokers and hooligans of Adani and the police are everywhere in the area. Outsiders are recruited in the construction of railways and the power plant. They are contractual labourers. Recruitment of the local people is beyond imagination, as they do not get entry in this project.

Fact-finding:
It was the context. In order to understand the present situation, we three went there on last 10th and 11th November, 2019. I and two of my local friends living in Poreyahat block have gone to these moujas several times to do survey on health, environment etc. These two persons are Manuel Soren and Surinam Soren. We talked with the people associated with movements, who are heavily affected by the police and hooligans and are trapped by false cases because of their unwillingness to sacrifice lands. We talked with those poor adivasi families whose lands are now behind the guard-walls of Adani. Agriculture was their only source of income: ‘Aur koyi kam nehi ata’ (We don’t know any other jobs) – therefore their possible fortune is death due to starvation. We talked with those who gave their lands and already got the cheque of compensation. Talk was possible with the local MLA, journalists and administrative officials. But the assembly election will hold in Jharkhand in this December. Therefore, certain problems were faced because of the presence of model code of conduct for election. What we found in this two days’ data collection are as follows:
All the slogans on the walls have been wiped out. However, there were a rich presence of slogans, demonstrations, and songs in this land movement like any other land movements. We collected some slogans from old photographs. 

Some Slogans:
Pyasa hain Godda, Pyasi hain janta
Power plant se hoga, paniki bund bundki chinta
(Godda is thirsty, thirsty is people
Water for Power plant will give us anxiety for every drop)
10 crore litre protidin Adani, pani kahase layega?
Jodi boring kiyatoh, kishan pani ke liye tadap kar mar jayega
(10 crore litre water per day, from where you bring it?
If you start boring, farmers will face painful die) 
Adani bhagao, jibon bachao
(Adani go back, save life)

‘My land is mine; I’ll never allow anyone to acquire it’, here this is the main theme of the movement. We talked with some of them, Suryanarayan Hembram and Manager Hembram, who had started their movement with this clear statement. 

Suryanarayan Hembram:
Village – Gangta Gobindapur, Block – Godda, District – Godda.

Suryanarayan Hembram retired as a primary school teacher in 2009. He wrote some books in Santali language on Santali society and culture. He often comes in Kolkata to do some publication related jobs. Till date the usage of Alchikiscripture in Jharkhand is at an abysmal stage. As in West Bengal Santali language, literatures are written in Bengali scripture, in Jharkhand they are written in Devnagari scripture. Suryanarayanbabu said that Santali identity is now endangered in every respect. Some of his important books are Debi Deshai, Baha ParabPuthi, SaharaiPuthietc. 

The land is in his grandfather’s name; plot number – 46, Ledger – 43, total amount – 16 katha. He is one of those who didn’t sacrifice their land for the Adani project. It can be said that he is one of the most prominent leaders of this land movement. His land was grabbed forcefully. Main parts of the conversation with him are here:
‘Whose lands are now behind the walls, could not cultivate. They are now day-labourers and have gone far for getting jobs. 

‘I have lands more than 16 kathas. In my village I am one of those whose lands are grabbed. In my neighbouring village, Manager Hembram and his relatives have 15 bigha lands. They also didn’t want to give lands. But many dikus (non-Santals, outsiders) have given their lands, few of them did protest. And we, both Santals and non-Santals who protested against it did not take any money. 

‘We started hunger strike and drank only water for seven days. In April 2017 the police arrested the MLA Pradip Yadav from this strike platform. He had to be in jail for 6 months.’

Have you filed cases in the High-Court?
‘Nothing is filed on nothing got progress. The lawyers got everything what they wanted. What will you do? All are sold, from state to the central. The Prime Minister himself sent them (Adani) here. The Chief Minister sent the police force. The local MLA showed them the land. Actually, this area is divided in two constituencies. The MLA of Payerhat, who is of Jharkhand Vikash Morcha, is in our side. But the MLA of Godda is from BJP, and he is in favour of Adani.

‘Pradip Yadav and Babulal Marandi (the first Chief Minister of Jharkhand) came here for several times to support us. But MP Nishikant Dube and the other MLA Amit Kumar Mandal (Godda) set on hooligans over us. And this MLA showed them the land. The MP said that the barrage must be built at Suryabathan. A very problematic list regarding the land acquisition for barrage in Rajabaitha has been submitted. Can you say who will protest?’

‘They recruited outsider as daily labour; no local person was recruited. Four persons are dead for construction work in the last eight months’

‘Any step was taken for it? Any news coverage?’
‘Nothing. If any local will dead in the Adani site, reaction will be different. They recruited outsider for this reason, just to disappear dead body. They are criminals.’ 

Manager Hembram:
Village – Mali, Panchayat – Baksara, Block – Payerhat, District – Godda.

The village Mali is adjoining to the compound wall of Adani’s project. Maximum residents of this village are basically the relatives of Manager Hembram. Manager is catholic Christian. They produce gram, wheat, and maize in their lands. The total amount of land of Manager’s grandfather was 16 bigha 16 katha. The present ownership of this land is now in the hands of many successors but none of them want to give the land. The brokers recruited by the Adani feared them much, but couldn’t influence them. Manager was falsely accused with fabricated case by Adani. Their lands are beyond the project area. But because of the pollution from the thermal power plant the lands are now already polluted with dust. Manager Hembram was present with his family. Here is the gist of the conversation with him:
‘We the Santals never gave up our lands. Others who gave their lands, they gave it because of the fear of threat. In this exhibition of fear both the brokers of Adani and the administration are associated. Whose name will I mention? If our DC Kiran Kumar Pasi does not even hear our problems, to whom will we go?’

Are the brokers local?
‘The big brokers, like Avimanyu Singh, Dinesh Mishra are from Godda. Here are some local brokers. Leave the brokers, even our DC said, ‘Your lands have been taken.’ Strange! We did not give our lands to anyone. Them how can it be taken?’

You lead the movement. What is the current situation?
‘See, movement cannot be stopped. We started hunger strike unto death. But they created pressure by arrested many of us with police. As a result of it, massive agitation started, the pressure increased more. Previously a compensation of 9-10 lakh/acre was given. Now it increased to 49 lakh/acre.’

Was your movement in favour of compensation?
‘No, it is not true. We will not give our lands; it was our objective. What I am trying to say is that they increase the rate of compensation by flinching. It is true that, for this increased rate of compensation the number of person willing to give their lands also increased. You may say it the temptation for money, but at the same time, many of us could not tolerate the pressure of continuous threats of police and hooligans and false cases.’

But you along with some others do not give up. What is the mystery behind your durability?
‘It is land, land and land. This land nurtures us. All our cultures, our identities are about the lands. But they are seizing even the graveyards. We do everything on the basis of these lands. And we will never give our lands to the Adani Power Plant at any rate.’

Was not the land acquisition programme legal?
‘No notice was given. We did not give our land. But in there is the mention of giving notice in the governmental procedure.’

According to article 20 of the Santal Pargana Tenancy Act 1949, except for some trivial reasons, no agricultural land of Dumka, Deoghar, Jamtara, Pakur, Sahebganj and the united Santal Pargana can never be acquired for any public or private projects. But here how can it be possible for them to grab your lands?
‘It was possible because ‘the king’ wanted so. Where did not we go? On last September 18, 2018 we prayed to the Governor. In a petition we expressed, though it is said that the lands of the ten villages are taken for ‘public interest’, but in reality, they are taken for private benefit. Almost twenty thousand ton coal will be burnt and we will get the smoke only.’

Ramesh Besra, once a tiller and now became a day-labourer. We talked with him.

Ramesh Besra:
When we started talking, the sun was setting. The village Nayabad is comprised of Santal community. Beside this village rail-lines will be built for transportation in the Adani Power Plant. When we visited the village the frantic dance of the bulldozers was going on. Ramesh Besra of 22 years and some other villagers were in front of us. Ramesh’s father is Madhusudan Besra. His four bighas of land is now under the acquisition of the Adani. 

‘No, they did not take our permission. Now our lands are behind that wall (was pointing towards the project area). Agriculture is totally stopped. Now we are day-labourers.’

Where do you go for work?
‘We go to Bihar. Here there is no job. But in Bihar too, we have no confidence about our jobs.’

What did you produce in your lands?
‘Paddy was produced for twice a year. We lived with our agriculture. We did not want to give lands. Our morol (community-leader) repeatedly requested to the government, but the government listened to none.’

Can we talk with him (morol)?
No, he is out of station. 
After that, with whom we talked, was a non-indigenous – a Sahu. He had given his land and got money.

Manohar Sahu:
Their land is recorded in the name of his grandfather Mushai Sahu. They are four brothers. Manohar and his two other brothers Muralidhar Sahu and Sikandar Sahu gave their lands to the Adani project. But Manohar’s third brother, Chintamani Sahu did not give his land. Manohar and his brother’s lands are at Gangta Gobindapur, Jamabandi moujas and now are within the Adani project. Each brother has 87 decibel lands. Manohar Sahu got 42 lakhs in this regard. Other two brothers also got money. Our conversations are:

‘We too had love for our land. But what will we do? We could not take the pressures.’
How was the pressure?
‘The pressure was everywhere, from home to road. Children were saying, if we stay here, we cannot cultivate. Everything will be ruined. There will be no water. Therefore, it would be a wise decision to give the land in such a price.’

And what pressure you got from the road?
Adani men are everywhere. A lot of our community (sahu) members became their agent. We are basically businessmen; we know what ‘profit’ is. 

Your other brothers who have also sold their lands for money do bear the same attitude?
‘My youngest brother Sikandar has no such source of income. So, he had no other way out.’

And Chintamoni?
‘He did not give his land. He is right. Being his brothers, we should stand with him.’

Do you repent for that?
‘Indeed! He has true love for land. We actually betrayed him. We betrayed even with land.’
We could not talk with Chintamoni Sahu, because he was in Lalmatiya. But we talked with the MLA Pradip Yadav. He said:

Pradip Yadav:
‘See, now the Government is proactive to give benefit to the big companies (here the Adani). Where the price of the land was 43 lakhs/acre, it was reduced to only one and one fourth lakh/acre in order to secure the company interest. But after the establishment of the industry, the price increased. If the tillers got their price properly, it would be four times higher than what they actually got. But due to the governmental conspiracy the tillers had to loss crores of money. And on the other hand, Adani profited almost seven and half thousand crores from it. 

‘We for the first time started talking about it in the Legislative Assembly. It had to fight almost like Ekalabya in the Assembly. We became able to increase the price of the land with this fight. The second aspect of our fight was the demand for electricity. It was a movement against such a policy that approved 100% export of power to Bangladesh without giving anything to the native state. And the third reason for the movement is that the land seizing operation actually violated the provisions of the Land Acquisition Act 2013, which stated that for such an acquisition of land the support of at least 80% tillers is needed. Our movement started with the demand of justice in these three aspects. The movement lasted for a long period. The Government had support to the company. They started repression. They trapped me in false cases. I was in jail for 6 months. But we never got frightened. And that fight is still alive. But the adjoining lands are losing their erstwhile fertility. The ground water level is going down each day.’

Yes, yesterday we heard in the villages that the ground water level has reduced in a considerable amount. People are worried about what will be happened in the next year.
‘It is true. The results will be dangerous. The fight has not stopped, but now is in a sleeping mood. It is usual. However, it is true that we will try our best to establish the rights of those people. The fight will go on. You can say it the summery of the movement.

‘Lands were forcibly seized in many-a-times. But the success of the movement is that while previously they demanded the lands of 12 moujas, now it has reduced in only 4 moujas. That means, they had to leave 8 moujas. I want to thank those landowners, tillers, irrespective of their castes, who became able to save 8 moujas with a consolidated and united fight. However, Adani has grabbed 4 moujas.’

But once the factory will start the brokers of Adani, administration will try to acquire lands of the adjoining areas. We have seen it in other places. The factory has to be enlarged; housing has to be made etc.
‘No, I just said that the movement is now in a sleeping mood. Let see what should be done in future.’

What is the reason behind this ‘sleeping mood’? Is it a strategy or upcoming election?
‘Yes, election is also a factor. People are also in a ‘wait and watch’ mood. They are trying to understand the amount of profit or loss.’

We have seen in the mass movements in West Bengal like Singur or Nandigram, in the anti-POSCO movement in Odisha or in Khuti of your own state where the Pathalgari movement is going on that people from every strata of the society have joined in the movements. Did the same thing happen here or something else?
‘See, you can find it in everywhere. Today in this situation all types of people are present. If you see the freedom struggle you will find that some people were there who supported the British. On contrary, there were some others who were mad for freedom. Negative people are there in any positive work. But if you can convince you can get the support of the maximum. I am hopeful.’

'Collateral Damage'
On the way to Adani Power, we have to pass by Rangania village. The Village falls under the jurisdiction of Pareyahat block. It is about three kilometres away from the project. A Kali temple greets us right at the entrance to the village. It contains a plaque which says, “This temple has been made by the Adanis.” I speak with a young man. This Santhal youth, unwilling to disclose his name, says –
We inhale dust and smoke for free in spite of being so far from the plant. Look at the trees in our village. 

Q. But the Adanis have made a Kali temple in your village, have they not?
Of course, they have. These things they have to do. They have installed a tube well too. But how long the water will flow? It had stopped for a while in May itself. I heard this project would require 100 million litres of water every day. It would suck everything dry. 

Q. Are you part of the movement?
No, we aren’t, as yet. But they will take our land as well, tomorrow if not today. If a thermal power plant is built here, the ash from all that coal will fall on our land and ruin it. There will be no water. Our last refuge would be to flee from the village. It would have been better if they had built a crematorium instead of a temple. If another movement starts, we will certainly join it. 

We had talked with a tea-vendor near project area. Young man from Bhagalpur showed his anxiety, ‘already exodus of landless farmers is now a reality’. 

People have no land is leaving now, is it?
‘Not only landless farmers, fisher-folk, veg-vender depended upon this area and its people became jobless. Very soon they will overthrow me. Most probably we have to search my tea-shop in your next visit’.

Mass Applications, legal battle and –
Applications have been submitted to various government offices through personal as well as collective efforts. On 18.09.2018 the Jharkhand State Branch of the Anti Eviction Nava Nirman Morcha submitted a complaint to the Governor asking for remedial measures to counter the anti-people steps being taken by the government for Adani Power. We spoke to the local representatives of said organisation. He said that land is being forcefully acquired for Adani to produce electricity which would be exported to Bangladesh. His organisation had sent a complaint to the Governor seeking redressal of the issue. They had not received even a reply; let alone a redressal. The representative also informed us that some of them, including Anil Hembram, Rakesh Hembram, and Girinath Tudu had previously sent letters to the Governor on 12.09.2018 informing him about ongoing violations of constitutional rights, and of the Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act, 1949. Letters were also sent to administrative officers of the district, and to the Chief Minister. Nothing changed.

The Adanis fabricated a case against the villagers. They complained that the villagers are tilling the company’s land. This is what the Adanis’ lawyer said in the appeal made against Manager Hembram in the district court of Godda. The court forbade the Manager from visiting the land and from causing any kind of disturbance in the Adani group’s operations. In other words, the villagers were shown the door by the court as well as the administration.

The Human Rights Law Network, or HRLN, lodged a writ petition in the Ranchi High Court on behalf of 16 applicants seeking to quash the takeover of 1363 acres of land by Adani. The applicants requested the court to direct the state government to return the lands of the farmers. The application read:

‘These applicants earn their livelihood through farming. They have no other way to sustain themselves. Their families are entirely dependent on this land for their life. According to law, they are counted as victims. The applicants have witnessed the whole process of acquisition closely. It has been totally illegal, and the consents have been extracted by force, fraud and other manipulative tactics. No compulsory legal procedure has been followed.

Only the landowners have been considered for compensation; but almost 4000 agricultural labourers, contract farmers, fisher-folk, and tenants have not been mentioned. These people also stand to lose their livelihood because of the acquisition.

Acquisition of land for a private company never comes under the Land Acquisition Act, 2013 (The Right to Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and Resettlement Act, 2013). According to the explanation of its article 2(1), this process does not come under the scope of ‘public interest’. This is because the entire project is geared towards ensuring profit for the Adani group.

400 unwilling landowners, who refuse to sell their land to the government, have informed that they have not been included in the Social Impact Assessment Report. In the application it is said that almost 2000 trees have been illegally cut down without permission, croplands have been altered, and the livelihoods of farmers have been attacked.

But the truth is that this writ petition has not seen a single hearing till on 11th November, 2019. Villagers have expressed before us their anxiety and despair at the procrastination of the legal process. Many of them do not know the ground reality of the case. On 28th November, 2019 we sent a letter to the HRLN informing them about the villagers’ worries and requesting them on behalf of the villagers to let them know about the current situation of their writ petition. HRLN replied us promptly in same day, here it is- 

‘We are extremely sorry for this inconvenience. Let me tell you the present status. 

Yesterday the matter was listed. All the Interlocutory applications were disposed. Court looked into the urgency and directed to place the matter in the next week. We will share the order soon.’

We are grateful to HRLN; we had conveyed their massage to the villagers.  

The common people here have formed a movement in accordance with the constitution of the land and its laws. They have not veered from the path of law either on the streets or in the battles at the court. The government has veered. The corporate has raped the law. All forces violence of the Adani-Modi entente has been unleashed in this corner of the Santhal Pargana.

Gaon Chhorab Nahi, Jangal Chhorab Nahi
Mai-Maati Chhorab Nahi, Ladai Chhorab Nahi
(We will not leave our village, not our jungle
We will not leave our Mother-soil, not our struggle) 

While discussing the Santhal Mutiny (Hool) of 1855, Charles Dickens wrote that ‘The sense of self-respect was so powerful in these people that even though we knew the Santhals used poison arrows at the time of hunting, they never used them against a human enemy. In this conflict we have never had to face poison arrows. They deserve much more respect than our so-called civilised enemies. (source: Charles Dickens, Household Words, vol. 12, Buckingham University, London, Bradbury and Evans, p. 349).

Where does the land movement in Godda stand? Does it stand with the MLA’s ‘sleeping mood’ or ‘Everything from the state to the centre has been sold!’ mood? The Santhals have refused to give up their land. Their processions were undaunted by lures, violence, false cases, motorbike-riding goons – nothing could break their spirit. Editor of the Hindi newspaper Dainik Jagaran from Godda district said, “It is difficult to subdue those (Santhals). Figures like Chintamani Sahu, Ramjivan Paswan etc al are not tribesmen, but they did not give up their land; they joined the movement. There is a recognised structure of mass movements here. However, the movement is currently witnessing a low tide. It’s like a fire burning inside cinder. Waiting for a spark to start a wildfire!

We had talked with a police officer, once deputed in the Adani project area talked with me at adjoining District, Deoghar. He told, ‘the problem is that we have to raise our batons on our own people.’ 'This is what troubles me. My home is in Dhanbad. Since last two decades I have been here at the Santhal Pargana. These people do not know violence. They do not know tricks. The villages here are quiet as shades under trees. But I have seen what they are capable of once someone or something manages to make them really angry. I have seen the movement for Jharkhand, people’s enthusiasm. The leaders are often corrupt. But the common Santhal is still pure. They refused to give up their land in vicinity of the factory, in spite of a huge amount of pressure from the Adani group. Even their eyes focused differently than before. Frankly speaking, it frightened me'.

We had approached local authority of Adani Power for access to talk, but entry in the project area was restricted, we are halted in the gate. We had tried to approach the administrative officers like DC, SP and District Labour Commissioner at Godda. They have refused to talk to us by the excuse of the upcoming elections. But in the adjoining District, Deoghar when I visited different district officers on different issue after two days, no ‘code of conduct’ restricted them to talk with me. Possibly the administrative machinery of Godda is playing dummy for corporate. And ‘understandably’ for ‘Modi-Adani’ regime.  

We have spoken to other tribal families who have lost their land, and families who are on the verge of losing it eventually. I cannot quote all those interviews here. A local member of the Baksara Panchayat, unwilling to disclose his name and granted only a small byte, has informed us that they, too, are against land acquisition. ‘We, Santhals are innocent and brave-heart’ he told, ‘another hool (rebellion) is waiting’.     

The once-green, peaceful villages of the Santhals are now covered with dust and smoke. Dust enlarges its territory in lungs, in stomachs, everywhere. Across a large area from Nayabad-Mali-Gangta Gobindapur-Patoa, Gobindapur- the beat of the dhamsa-madol has altered. ‘Gaon Chhorab Nahi, Jangal Chhorab Nahi’-the anthem of tribal resistancebeing echoed in every heartbeat. There is no need of consuming poison now; the whole body is slowly being poisoned inside out, including the very bows and arrows.   

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Dec 13, 2019